Category: War in Ukraine

Over nearly 1,000 days of full-scale war, Russia has attacked Ukraine’s energy system more than 1,000 times. Despite this relentless onslaught, Ukrainian power engineers have achieved a historic feat: maintaining energy supply stability by repeatedly repairing equipment, sometimes three or four times after consecutive strikes.

This remarkable effort has not only ensured light and heat for Ukrainian homes but has also created a model of resilience and expertise that will be studied by future generations and international energy experts alike.

The energy system is stable and prepared for the heating season under normal conditions. However, one constant risk looms: massive Russian attacks on energy infrastructure. The only effective defense remains bolstering Ukraine’s air defenses.

Russia’s primary goal in targeting Ukraine’s energy infrastructure is to create social unrest and destabilize the nation’s rear by cutting off electricity and heating — critical for household comfort and economic stability.

Since 2022, the nature of these attacks has evolved. Early strikes reflected pre-war planning and Russia’s initial military strategy. Over the course of 2023 and 2024, however, the attacks grew more widespread and destructive, with Russia employing more advanced weapons.

This year alone, 9 GW of power generation capacity from thermal, combined heat and power, and hydro plants have been disabled. During the largest attack, on Aug. 26, 236 missiles and drones targeted Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. Russia used its most expensive weaponry, including ballistic missiles and cluster munitions valued at over $1 billion, damaging substations critical to nuclear power plants. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has since expanded monitoring at these facilities.

In 2023, after extensive destruction, Ukraine began a robust repair campaign and received critical support from international partners. Spare parts from decommissioned European power plants, notably those supplied by Baltic nations, played a vital role in restoring operations quickly, as the production time for new equipment is lengthy.

The European Union Delegation to Ukraine launched a platform to provide surplus energy equipment from EU warehouses, offering essential short-term solutions. Additionally, electricity import capacity has increased from 200 MW to 1.7 GW, thanks to prolonged negotiations with EU governments and the G7. This milestone was reached just before the heating season commenced.

The foundation of Ukraine’s preparedness lies in the restoration of power generation and transmission equipment that could be brought back online before the heating season. This effort included the largest repair campaign in the history of independent Ukraine. Notably, our nuclear power plants (NPPs), which supply around 60% of the country’s electricity, are set to operate at full capacity this winter, with nine power units in operation in Ukraine-controlled areas — despite the Russian occupation of the Zaporizhzhia NPP, Europe’s largest nuclear plant.

A critical factor in meeting demand during the 2024/2025 heating season was the increase in electricity imports. Following assessments of the decisions made in 2023 and their effectiveness, as well as high-level negotiations with EU partners and the European Commission, we successfully raised our import capacity to 2.1 GW on a commercial basis, with an additional 250 MW available for emergency assistance.

While the Power System Integration Action Plan, adopted in 2019, outlined a five-year timeline for technical and legal measures to integrate Ukraine into the EU’s energy system, Ukraine has accelerated this process and is now de facto integrated, becoming a full member of the EU energy network.

Another vital component of our energy strategy is the expansion of distributed generation across the country. The government has created favorable conditions for this development, implementing key decisions to simplify construction and environmental regulations and streamline the process for connecting to electricity and gas networks.

Moreover, a series of financial measures have been introduced to support households, condominium associations (COAs), and public utilities in building their own generation facilities. These include interest-free loans for households and low-interest loans for utilities, as well as a zero-rate import duty and VAT on energy goods used for electricity generation. These measures have made it more affordable and efficient to purchase and install the necessary equipment without excessive bureaucracy.

In parallel, a collaborative initiative led by the Office of the President, Ministry of Energy, Ministry of Regional Development, and regional authorities is underway to develop “regional energy independence passports.” This effort will assess local energy consumption and identify the needs for backup power, particularly for critical infrastructure. It also takes into account changes in consumption patterns due to internal displacement, population migration, and damage caused by the war.

These passports will focus on the development of local gas and electricity networks, ensuring that solutions like solar panels, geothermal energy, wind power, and gas generation are tailored to the region's specific needs and climate conditions.

As a result of these efforts, nearly 2 GW of new generation capacity is already being commissioned, largely driven by commercial and business interests. Simultaneously, international donors have provided local governments and utilities with a significant number of gas generators, cogeneration units, and mobile boiler houses to ensure backup power for critical infrastructure.

The success of distributed generation depends on a coordinated effort among local communities, regional administrations, national authorities, and energy companies. This integrated approach is key to ensuring economic independence for communities and fostering energy resilience.

Despite the challenges ahead, we have prepared for the 2024/25 heating season. Russia will persist in its efforts to plunge Ukraine into darkness and cold — as it did in its 10th mass attack on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure on Nov. 17 — but thanks to the tireless work of power engineers, the collaboration of central and local authorities, and unwavering international support, we are prepared to keep Ukrainian homes warm and well-lit throughout the winter.

Trust in the power engineers — they have done more than could have been imagined.

Editor’s Note: The opinions expressed in the op-ed section are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Kyiv Independent.

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The US National Security Advisor said that Ukraine has problems with mobilization. According to him, no weapon system is decisive without sufficient manpower.

Ukraine has already received a large number of different American weapons, but still finds itself in a difficult situation on the battlefield. The reason for this is problems with mobilization. This was stated by US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan to PBS News, UNN reports.

"We provided tanks. We provided F-16s. We provided HIMARS. We have provided Patriot systems. We have provided many things that you had previously said we would not provide. Today, Ukraine is in a difficult situation on the battlefield, which shows that there is no direct line between these weapons systems and how it happens on the battlefield. Where is the most direct line between Ukrainian performance and input resources? It's about mobilization and manpower," Sullivan said when asked if the U.S. could have done anything differently in supporting Ukraine – given that Ukraine is now losing more territory than ever before this year.

He emphasized that the United States did not see a significant difference on the battlefield after it gave Ukraine tanks and F-16s.

"In our opinion, there is no single weapon system that matters in this battle. It's about manpower, and Ukraine, in our view, needs to do more to strengthen its lines in terms of the number of forces it has on the front lines. It's about ammunition and all the other things that affect a country's national strength, its morale, its cohesion, its industrial base," Sullivan added.

Recall

During a meeting with President-elect Donald Trump at the White House , US President Joe Biden emphasizedthat the United States' continued support for Ukraine is in the interests of US national security.

As we mark 1,000 days since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, members of the Kyiv Independent’s staff have paused to reflect. These reflections offer a glimpse into the profound impact of war — not only on a nation’s struggle for survival but on those who bear witness to its unfolding.

Francis Farrell

War reporter

Although I was in Lviv when the full-scale war started, the first months of the war were something I experienced mostly from the outside — through news, at a safe distance from the front line. Those first months had a frantic, superlative energy to them: a time of heroes and legends, but also of horrors and depravity we thought impossible in the 21st century.

I joined the Kyiv Independent during the season of liberations — a time that remains the most powerful experience of my life. Light and dark existed together: the unbridled jubilation of Kherson’s liberation made possible by what Russia had put the city through — the tortured, the deported, the stolen, the murdered. Even now, my iPhone suggests musical slideshows of “The Great Outdoors: Autumn 2022,” filled with pictures of the mass graves in Izium.

Light and dark existed together: the unbridled jubilation of Kherson’s liberation made possible by what Russia had put the city through.

Back then, we all thought that the next big counteroffensive was just around the corner, and we screamed at the West to act with greater courage and urgency. We knew the road ahead wouldn’t be easy, but we didn’t anticipate what came next.

First, Bakhmut: Russia’s dress rehearsal for wave attacks paired with the complete annihilation of cities. Then, the summer counteroffensive, which had taken on such a biblical weight in the lead-up that it left me with a pit in my stomach before it even started.

The counteroffensive taught me some important lessons — the greatest being the danger of wishful thinking and the necessity of clinging tightly to reality while navigating the darkness of war. Since then, the darkness has only deepened: realizing the West’s fear of Ukrainian victory, reckoning with Kyiv’s failure to fix internal issues in the military that could turn a stable defense into collapse, and understanding that no amount of individual heroism can stop a glide bomb.

Now, winter is coming, bringing with it what feels like a reckoning for Ukraine and the free world. It’s a bit hard to see the light at the end of the tunnel at the moment. But, in the meantime, there’s no shortage of light to be found around the place — in Ukrainians, and especially in Ukrainian soldiers, thanks to whom I can still type this out in free Kyiv.

Anna Belokur

Social media manager
One thousand days ago, I woke up in Helsinki, Finland, to a phone full of messages. The top one just said, “I’m so sorry.”

My friends and I joined hundreds of others holding signs outside the Russian embassy, standing in the snow and dark after the sun set in the early afternoon. Every time someone peeked through the embassy’s blinds, the crowd would scream angrily.

Finns are deeply reserved people who rarely make eye contact with strangers, but in the days that followed, other dog walkers began nodding at me and exchanging startled looks when cars backfired. There was a heightened awareness that Finland’s trademark peacefulness is a gift, not a guarantee.

There was a heightened awareness that Finland’s trademark peacefulness is a gift, not a guarantee.

Finns — like Ukrainians, Latvians, and a handful of others — have a joke: they don’t have to deal with deadly insects or hurricanes, but they suffer from the greatest natural disaster of all — sharing a border with Russia.

Finland has defenses woven into every part of society, from the spots under ordinary bridges designed for detonating explosives to the mandatory year of military service required of every Finnish man.

One man told me that training exercises are always based on the assumption of an attack from the east. I don’t know a single Finn who wants to fight, but I also don’t know a single one who isn’t prepared to.

Feb. 24, 2022, is the only time I ever heard Finns scream in anger. Writing this from Kyiv 1,000 days later, I draw strength from the fact that Ukraine still has allies who understand what’s at stake. These are nations that have closed their borders with Russia, advocated against any form of appeasement, and trained to defend against attacks from the east. Just as I wasn’t alone that day, we aren’t alone now.

Anastasiia Mozghova

War Crimes Investigations Unit’s executive producer

Today marks the 1,000th day of the full-scale invasion, but the war in my country has shaped nearly half my life.

When the war began in 2014, I was in middle school. Growing up in Donetsk Oblast, I remember those early days vividly — a child surrounded by adults grappling with the reality of Russian terror.

The news of the full-scale invasion came while I was in university in Bulgaria. By then, the decision to return to Ukraine after graduation felt natural. Now an adult, it's my turn to confront the terror.

Now an adult, it's my turn to confront the terror.

I do so as part of the Kyiv Independent’s War Crimes Investigations Unit. In these 1,000 days, the Russian army has committed thousands of war crimes. My team works tirelessly on cases of sexual violence, torture of prisoners of war, civilian murders, and child deportation.

People often ask if I’m exhausted by the constant exposure to such horror. My answer: my motivation outweighs the exhaustion. Justice is an essential part of Ukraine’s victory. It will come when the voices of war crimes victims are heard, and the names of perpetrators are spoken clearly and without fear.

Ultimately, our unity and determination will decide whether my children’s generation will have to face Russian terror. My hope is that they never will.

Asami Terajima

War reporter

A year ago today, I received a Facebook message from a friend serving in the mortar unit of the Ukrainian military’s 93rd Separate Mechanized Brigade near embattled Chasiv Yar.

“We have suffered a great tragedy today,” he said.

I felt a chill, already dreading what he might say. I immediately asked what had happened. I was scrambling to finish packing for a work trip to Kherson, but my mind spiraled toward worst-case scenarios.

After a pause, he replied: “Three 200s.” The military code for killed in action in Ukraine.

Any loss is devastating, but you always hope it’s not someone close. I opened WhatsApp to check who had been online last and realized my dear friend Vladyslav hadn’t logged on since early morning.

I soon discovered that three men, including the unit commander and 28-year-old Vladyslav, had been killed by a Russian anti-tank missile. Another friend, who miraculously survived, had to pull out the charred remains of Vladyslav’s body from their position.

The shock was unbearable. My mind replayed bittersweet summer memories: fishing in the dark before dawn, celebrating birthdays with late-night barbecues. Those golden days — despite their nearness to the front line — are now irretrievably gone. It’s strange how the warm smiles you once took for granted fade into distant memories.

Even now, it doesn’t feel real that they’re gone forever. The cottage-turned-military base where we spent those summers was damaged by Russian shelling this year. What remains are fleeting memories and low-quality iPhone photos.

A thousand days into Russia’s full-scale war, you develop a numbness to pain — a survival mechanism that feels both unsettling and inevitable. It’s hard to believe it’s been less than three years since I was a 21-year-old university student-turned-journalist on Feb. 24, 2022, questioning whether I had what it took to cover the war.

A thousand days into Russia’s full-scale war, you develop a numbness to pain — a survival mechanism that feels both unsettling and inevitable.

Long gone are the days when World War I-style trench warfare and cluster munitions were only scenes from films. Now, death feels ever-present, a constant reminder of how fragile and fleeting life is.

Daryna Shevchenko

CEO

It’s been exactly 1,000 days since Russia's full-scale invasion began, and I’ve been sleeping like a baby the entire time. I know that’s not what you expect to hear from a Ukrainian living in Kyiv, especially when most news reports focus on how Russian attacks deprive the nation of sleep and rest.

On Feb. 24, 2022, I woke up to my alarm clock, ready for a normal workday. My phone was buzzing with hundreds of missed calls and messages from colleagues and family. I slept through the explosions, air raid sirens, the noise in my building, kids crying, and dogs barking. It was the last morning in the next 999 days that I woke up feeling rested.

Since then, I’ve slept through hundreds of overnight attacks, drones flying by my window, and air defense missiles nearby. I thought I was lucky — or perhaps more resilient than others — until I realized that I had also lost my mornings. Returning to reality became a real challenge over the past three years. I drink coffee, work out, and take walks in fresh air, but nothing helps. I still spend most of my energy fighting for moments of concentration and trying to live life to the fullest.

My psychiatrist says excessive sleep under stress isn’t normal, just as insomnia isn’t. My attempts to convince myself that this is a “good sign” are a futile search for normalcy. And guess what? Normalcy has nothing to do with war.

And guess what? Normalcy has nothing to do with war.

I’ve been lucky not to lose anyone close to me in this war — yet. But none of us, here in Ukraine, are emerging unscarred.

Lately, I’ve seen more comments on social media from foreigners doubting the horrors of Russia’s war against Ukraine, looking at photos and videos from Kyiv, Lviv, or Odesa, where dressed-up crowds attend concerts or sit at cafe terraces, appearing so normal.

Sleep or no sleep, makeup or blood and bruises, our reality is never normal. Not in the last 1,000 days. The truth is, the only way for the world to preserve its normalcy is to help us recover ours.

Teah Pelechaty

Opinion editor

I wrote this poem in the early months of the full-scale war, before moving to Kyiv in August 2023. At the time, I worked on the Kyiv Independent’s news desk from Toronto, bearing witness to the war through a relentless stream of images and reports. A war fought in real time on my screen while the world outside my window remained indifferent, untouched.

Rereading this poem now, I realize how the exhaustion of carrying this grief for 1,000 days remains just as heavy as the day I wrote it — grief not only for what has been lost but for the unbearable contrast of living in between.

Even as I sit here writing, I've forgotten.
I tend to forget these days.

The city I care not to see assaults my eyes,
my ears,
my nose,
with its relentless permanence.

The billboard at the corner thrashes red,
abrasive and blinking,
and in its glare, I see her fingernails —
also red, but still now, lifeless.

At the club,
dim lights scatter across the throng,
fracturing faces, bodies, limbs —
suffocating.

As bodies crush and contort around me,
swaying to a cacophony of Canada’s Top Hits,
each appendage belongs at once to everyone,
to no one.

In a mass grave,
each appendage belongs at once to everyone,
to no one.

They are perfect, her fingernails.
So meticulously crafted and polished,
amaranth red and adhered to a hand that has long gone limp.
I wonder if they will remain as her body withers.

I forget her face.
I tend to forget these days.
I forget her face —
the woman with the red fingernails —
and yet, I do not search for it.

With each subsequent grave —
Bucha, Mariupol, Izium —
and with each subsequent face,
in my mind’s eye,
there remain only red fingernails.

Kate Tsurkan

Culture reporter

Focusing too much on how many days have passed since the start of the full-scale war only deepens the sorrow I feel when confronted with news of more innocent people who were killed by Russia. In such moments, the future seems distant, fragile – a thread barely visible.

Counting days can seem meaningless when time itself feels distorted. Plus, this war stretches back over a decade for some Ukrainians, and we can’t forget that.

What keeps me awake at night is thinking about how this war will shape my daughter and every Ukrainian child, leaving its shadow on their lives long after it ends. (Will it ever truly end?) The only thing I can count on is how I will try to bring kindness and goodness into the world.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced his intention to provide Ukraine with the necessary weapons to win, but refused to disclose details. He emphasized the importance of supporting Ukraine and the inadmissibility of Russia's victory in the war.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer told reporters at the G20 summit in Brazil that he is determined that Ukraine will receive the right weapons to defeat Putin, while refusing to talk about the specifics of this weapon. This was reported by The Guardian, according to UNN.

My position has always been that Ukraine should have what it needs, as much as it needs. putin should not win this war. But excuse me, I'm not going to get into operational issues…

– said Starmer, answering the question whether the United States has finally paved the way for the UK to supply Storm Shadow missiles for use by Ukraine against targets in Russia.

Starmer also noted that he has been arguing for many weeks that Ukraine should have what it needs and as much as it needs.

"We have to put Ukraine in the strongest possible position to win this war. It affects Ukraine, but it affects all of us, and we cannot let Russia win this war," Starmer added.

Recall

British Prime Minister's spokesman Keir Starmer called Russia's new nuclear doctrine "the product of a depraved Russian government" and emphasized his unwavering support for Ukraine and defense against illegal invasion.

Russian forces claim to have taken the front-line village of Novoselydivka in Donetsk Oblast on Nov. 19.

Ukraine has not commented on the claims, which could not be independently verified.

Novoselydivka lies some 7 kilometers (4 miles) north of Kurakhove, an important stronghold of Ukrainian forces in the area that has seen increasingly heavy Russian assaults in the past months.

If confirmed, this will be the latest village that the Russian forces took in their attempt to encircle Kurakhove by driving their forces towards Konstiantynopil with a north-south pincer movement.

With the best Ukrainian brigades holding Russia’s Kursk Oblast, Russian troops move forward along the Donetsk front line at a rate not seen since the early weeks of the war.

The victory of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump in early November adds further uncertainty to Kyiv’s military prospects to hold its defenses across the 1,200-kilometer-long (750 miles) front line as doubt over Washington’s future military aid looms.

Outgoing President Joe Biden’s decision to allow Ukraine to use Western-supplied ATACMS to strike targets deep inside Russia may help in the short run but will not change the general course of the war, observers said.

Russian forces damage Kurakhove Reservoir dam in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine says“This attack potentially threatens residents of settlements on the Vovcha River, both in Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk oblasts,” Donetsk Oblast Governor Vadym Filashkin said.The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Denisova

A search and rescue operation has been completed in Hlukhiv after an enemy shelling of a dormitory. 12 people were killed, including an 8-year-old boy, and 11 people were wounded, including two teenagers.

In Hlukhiv, law enforcement officers have completed a search and rescue operation at the site of an enemy hit, UNN reports, citing the National Police.

Details

According to law enforcement officials, as of 15.50, 12 people have been killed, including a boy who would have turned 8 years old the other day. Eleven people were injured, including children aged 13 and 14.

In the deployed mobile units, work with victims is carried out to select statements, interrogate victims and provide psychological assistance.

Recall

The Russian attack on the night of November 19 partially destroyed a dormitory building of one of the educational institutions.

Editor’s note: This article was originally published in the Israeli investigative outlet Shomrim. The Kyiv Independent is republishing it with permission.

After Israeli officials earlier ignored Ukrainian warnings and offers to help counter the threat of Iranian drones, the tides appear to be turning as Israel faces increased drone attacks amid escalating tensions in the region.

After talking with dozens of officials and key individuals in the defense technology sector, Israeli investigative outlet Shomrim has found that contacts and early signs of collaboration are emerging in this field. Israeli defense tech companies are seeking proven solutions that have been tested in real combat situations.

Shomrim and N12 revealed earlier this year that long before the Hamas attack on Israel on Oct. 7, Ukrainian officials had reached out to their counterparts in Israel to share their experience countering the threat of Iranian-made drones since Russia began using the weapon against Ukraine in 2022.

A former senior Ukrainian official said that at least one Ukrainian company developing anti-drone technology sent representatives to Israel before the outbreak of the war in Gaza — but could not find a single counterpart from the defense sector in Israel willing to meet with them.

“Not a single company agreed to meet with them at their office,” said the former official, who agreed to speak on condition of anonymity to discuss the private conversations. “Someone did agree to meet with them at a fast-food restaurant and I believe that was the only meeting. It was a humiliating experience.”

Both current and former Israeli and Ukrainian officials said that Israel paid a heavy price for dismissing those warnings.

The Iranian-made drones that are being launched at Israel from Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, Iraq, and Iran itself have led to casualties, destruction, fires, and panic and are now the main challenge currently facing Israel’s aerial defense systems.

The extent of the threat was underscored by the drone that hit and damaged the private residence of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Caesarea.

The Ukrainian companies, for their part, are hoping to grow and profit from the Israeli companies’ international contacts. Ukraine gained experience from almost three years of war, with over 7,000 drones launched from Russia into Ukraine since the beginning of 2024, including about 2,000 in October alone.

For comparison, the Israeli army recently reported that since Oct. 7, 2023, about 1,300 drones have been launched against Israel from all fronts combined: Lebanon, Gaza, Iraq, Syria, Yemen and Iran.

The war against Russia, together with large investments from both the private and public sectors, has turned Ukraine into a hotbed of global innovation when it comes to the defense tech sector, with a proliferation of companies offering groundbreaking solutions to identify and intercept drones.

The industry has attracted the attention of Western nations, including private companies. Some firms have opened business offices in Ukraine, while others have forged close ties with Ukrainian companies.

A network of acoustic sensors to detect drones

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 led to an exponential and fast-paced development of the Ukrainian defense industry, said Olena Bilousova, a senior researcher at the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE).

When Ukraine first started dealing with the challenge posed by drones from Russia, it set up a dedicated national industry, spearheaded by its Digital Transformation Ministry, to find a solution. There are now more than 200 Ukrainian companies working in the field.

“As far as military companies are concerned, there is nowhere in the world like Ukraine, since it offers them an opportunity to test their products on the battlefield against an enemy as mighty as Russia, which also has advanced technologies,” said Bilousova.

Zvook, a ground-breaking Ukrainian start-up in the field of AI-powered acoustic detection of incoming drones, missiles, and other aerial threats, is among the companies establishing ties with Israeli partners.

There is nowhere in the world like Ukraine, since it offers them an opportunity to test their products on the battlefield against an enemy as mighty as Russia, which also has advanced technologies.

Maryan Sulym, head of Zvook and a Ukrainian military air defense sergeant, said that his company relies on small acoustic sensors the size of a small box placed on cellphone towers and in hidden locations along the front line. Each sensor can detect Iranian Shahed drones within a range of three to five kilometers and cruise missiles within five to seven kilometers.

Today, Sulym said, Zvook’s network covers about 5% of the territory of Ukraine — an area larger than the whole of Israel. The data collected from the sensors is impressively accurate, with false positive rates of only 2.5%.

According to Sergeant Sulym, Zvook’s innovative approach has attracted attention from international actors, including NATO countries. U.S. Air Force General James Hecker, commander of U.S. air operations in Europe, recently commended Ukraine's acoustic detection systems, highlighting how these low-cost devices — about a thousand dollars per sensor — can accurately gauge the speed, direction, and velocity of incoming drones.

Zvook has also attracted interest in Israel and has been approached by at least three Israeli defense technology firms. One of the inquiries was made in recent weeks, shortly after a drone crashed into the Israeli Prime Minister's residence. Representatives of this Israeli company are set to visit Ukraine in the near future, in order to closely examine Zvook’s acoustic technology.

Another meeting was held last month online, between a Ukrainian company specializing in first-person-view drones and robotics and a group of Israeli entrepreneurs in the security field.

It is not yet known whether the meeting will lead to actual contracts, but one of the participants in the call said that there was a definite interest in the transfer of knowledge and that the Israelis asked the Ukrainian entrepreneur numerous questions concerning, among other things, Ukrainian efforts to intercept Iranian Shahed drones, according to the paricipant, who agreed to speak on condition of anonymity to freely discuss the call.

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Inflated expectations in Israel

Vladimir Davidoff, founder and CEO of Dronex Israel, which manufactures reusable interceptor drones, cautions that the technologies developed by Ukrainian companies are not necessarily suitable for Israel's needs.

“In Ukraine, response time from detection to action can be hours, whereas here in Israel, we have minutes or even seconds,” he said, due to the vast size difference between the two countries.

The Ukrainian experience can still prove meaningful, according to Davidoff. The lack of direct encounters with drones in real combat situations has proven detrimental to the Israeli Defense Force’s readiness against drones, Davidoff said.

“You can only be certain your system works after it is tested in real combat conditions," said Davidoff. "In Israel, our expectations (about how well it was protected from drones) were somewhat inflated, and we need more solutions specifically tailored to the complexities of drone threats.”

Davidoff is well acquainted with the war zones in both Israel and Ukraine. He worked in Ukraine after the start of the Russian full-scale invasion and redirected his company's activities to the defense sector.

He recently relocated his activity in Israel, and has been working alongside MAFAT — the IDF’s Directorate of Defense, Research, and Development — while relying on his experience in Ukraine and the knowledge he acquired there.

One of his companies, which operates in Europe, recently concluded an agreement and bought samples from a Ukrainian manufacturer of acoustic sensors that operates from another nearby country in Europe. He did not name the country, citing security concerns.

"If the sensors pass tests in Israel, we can produce them together in Israel," he said, in an example of direct cooperation between Ukrainian and Israeli defense companies.

The cooperation between Davidoff’s firm and his Ukrainian counterpart illustrates a type of circumvention that Ukrainian companies are currently employing given Ukraine's ban on military exports since the outbreak of the war. Ukraine adopted this ban to ensure that all available Ukrainian weaponry would be used against the Russian invasion.

According to Bilousova of KSE, more and more Ukrainian companies are already circumventing the export ban by transferring production to other countries and opening their headquarters in countries close to Ukraine, such as Poland and Estonia.

The Ukrainian government has recently indicated that it may be willing to overturn the ban and allow arms exports, including anti-drone systems. This could pave the way for broader cooperation between Ukrainian companies and Israel.

‘The cooperation should have started long ago’

Yevhen Korniychuk, Ukraine’s ambassador in Israel, confirmed the ongoing cooperation between Israel and Ukrainian companies but declined to go into details, citing the sensitivity of the subject.

“Israeli private companies and state defense firms are quite actively communicating with their Ukrainian counterparts right now,” he said.

In this context, Elbit, one of Israel’s largest military companies, was mentioned by Korniychuk. Ukraine’s ambassador helped introduce Elbit representatives to officials from the Ukrainian Defense Ministry.

Another Israeli company is R2, which has developed a product for identifying and locating drones and is taking part in exercises with NATO. R2 is currently in touch with Brave1, a Ukrainian government platform whose purpose is to test and develop advanced military technology.

Western governments usually tend to encourage and support such collaborations between private defense companies in their countries and Brave1, but the CEO of the Israeli company noted that the connection to the Ukrainian platform has been made independently and without the involvement of the IDF or the Defense Ministry.

The Ukrainian ambassador describes the cooperation between Ukrainian and Israeli firms as a force multiplier, emphasizing that this synergy should have been initiated long ago.

“One plus one—Israel plus Ukraine—equals three or four, not two. Israel brings technological knowledge as well as access to American technologies. We have vast combat experience. We need to combine all of that, of course. This cooperation should have taken place long ago,” the ambassador said.

‘Battle-tested in Ukraine’ — How US drone makers turned Ukraine into a tagline to sell westThe biggest weapons makers in the world convened in Washington, D.C. for the 70th meeting of the Association of the United States Army in early October. It was the third year in a row where Ukraine remained at the center of the event’s enormous buzz. Synchronized press releases ensued.The Kyiv IndependentKollen Post

Polish Foreign Minister Sikorski announced the readiness of the largest EU countries to provide military and financial support to Ukraine. This could happen if the US cuts aid to Ukraine.

The largest European countries are ready to help Ukraine if Washington cuts aid, Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski said on Tuesday, UNN reports citing Le Monde.

Details

“I am pleased to note that the main countries of the European Union are ready to take on the burden of military and financial support for Ukraine in the context of a possible reduction in the United States' commitments,” Sikorsky said following a meeting with his French, German, Italian, Spanish, and British counterparts in Warsaw.

European ministers gather in Warsaw to discuss Ukraine, Trump and securityNov 19 2024, 06:32 AM • 12605 views

Editor's note: This is a developing story and is being updated.

President Volodymyr Zelensky unveiled Ukraine's 10-point plan for internal resilience in an address to the parliament on Nov. 19.

"Ukraine may need to outlive someone in Moscow to achieve all the goals," Zelensky said, according to lawmaker Yaroslav Zhelezniak's Telegram channel. "We do not trade security or sovereignty. We will not give up our rights to our entire territory."

The resilience plan follows some criticism Zelensky received after presenting a victory plan this fall that primarily focused on requests from external partners and lacked domestic reforms.

The individual points of the new resilience plan were focused on the country's unity, front-line situation, arms, finances, energy, security, communities, human capital, cultural sovereignty, and veterans, according to Zhelezniak's Telegram channel.

President Zelenskyy tells the European Parliament that Putin is using DPRK troops in the war in Ukraine. According to him, the number of North Korean soldiers could reach 100,000.

Russian dictator Vladimir Putin is involving soldiers from North Korea in the war against Ukraine , and this number may increase to 100 thousand, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said during a speech in the European Parliament, a correspondent of UNN reports.

Putin is bringing in soldiers from North Korea, and this number could rise to 100,000 Putin is focused on winning this war, he will not stop on his own

– Zelensky said.

Recall

South Korean intelligence confirmed the participation of the North Korean military in hostilities against Ukraine on the side of Russia. The DPRK soldiers have already completed their deployment in the Kursk region and started fighting.